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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, once earned his living dealing in livestock and precious metals. Now, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces control a vast expanse of Sudan.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a significant victory by capturing the city of al-Fasher, which was the last remaining army garrison in the western region.

Feared and despised by his enemies, Hemedti is revered by his followers for his ruthlessness and his vow to tear down the corrupt state.

Humble Beginnings

Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya section of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arab group that straddles Chad and Darfur.

Born around 1974, like many from rural areas, his exact birth details were not officially registered.

Led by his uncle Juma, his clan relocated to Darfur in the late 20th century, escaping war and seeking better opportunities.

Initial Ventures

After leaving school in his early teens, Hemedti started making money by trading camels across the Sahara to Libya and Egypt.

At that time, Darfur was a lawless frontier—impoverished, ignored by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjaweed attacked villages of the indigenous Fur, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's unit was among them, accused in attacking the village of Adwah in November 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, including 36 children.

A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were responsible for crimes against humanity.

Strategic Maneuvering

After the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his ascent to become leader of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political organization.

He briefly mutinied, requesting unpaid salaries for his soldiers, promotions, and a government role for his brother. Bashir acceded to many of his requests.

Subsequently, when other Janjaweed units mutinied, Hemedti led government forces that crushed them, taking over Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jebel Amir.

Quickly, his family company al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Institutionalizing Influence

By 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained official recognition as head of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, getting new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

Regional Ambitions

Hemedti's forces engaged in the Darfur conflict, struggled in the Nuba region, and accepted a role to police the border with Libya.

Supposedly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's officers also engaged in corruption and human smuggling.

By 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE asked Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide his fighters as contractors.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved most consequential, marking the start of a strong alliance with UAE officials.

Growing Power

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF recruiting centers for signing bonuses of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, particularly in gold.

His trip to Russia coincided with the day of the Ukraine war outbreak.

Political Betrayal

With rising demonstrations, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, nicknaming him "my protector".

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when demonstrators demanded democracy, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the military leaders deposed him.

For a time, Hemedti was celebrated as a new leader for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but this was short-lived.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti deployed his forces, which committed massacres, raped women, and allegedly drowned men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians agreed to a compromise, leading to an unstable coexistence for several years.

Current Conflict

When a committee began examining army businesses, Burhan and Hemedti ousted the government and seized power.

However, they disagreed. Burhan insisted the RSF come under army command. Hemedti refused.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize strategic locations in the capital. The takeover effort failed, and violence broke out across the city.

Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit community.

International organizations report thousands of casualties, with the American officials calling it genocide.

Current Status

Hemedti's forces obtained advanced arms, including military drones, deployed against army positions and critical for the assault on al-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the national military.

Hemedti has formed a parallel government, the so-called unity government, appointing himself leader.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now holds almost all populated areas west of the Nile.

Following reports of mass killings, Hemedti declared an investigation into violations perpetrated by his fighters.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti sees himself as president of a breakaway state or aspires to rule all of Sudan.

Alternatively, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

While Hemedti's troops continue atrocities in el-Fasher, he seems assured of impunity in a world that does not care.